There will probably some interest to one day write the history of the "media reception" (as they say) of what happened, and yet to come, Tunisia. But it is too early to look in detail at those who have worked tirelessly to rewrite history in real time and direct live of "jasmine revolution " ... Let
their articles, interviews, views, opinion, developed, and editorial apology to laugh about later. I prefer today
copicollage relay in a signed text of the Movement of Unemployed and precarious struggle Rennes, you can also find on the site CIP-IDF (Coordination of intermittent and precarious Ile-de- France).
Not the bourgeois appropriation of the popular uprising in Tunisia!
A contribution of the Movement for the unemployed and precarious struggle (MCpl) of Rennes for the understanding of the situation in Tunisia.
Lifting or revolution?
The prevailing consensus in the mainstream media on the "democratic revolution Tunisian", the way we passed a few days of "riots" to a "revolution" because Ben has left office and the country is to suggest that much is accomplished. The "dictator" on the run now, it is to initiate a "democratic transition", that is to say, an electoral process which is of course that must lead to the victory of one party or a coalition modeled on the European party of government. Talk about "revolution" today is to accept this fact, there is more to preserve, consolidate achievements, maintain order appropriate to address abuses by armed bands of Ben Ali, which is more consensual banning demonstrations against the interim authority as has been done several days ago by the army. One should rather speak to us of an uprising that has obtained the departure of Ben Ali, who is victorious uprising-that-could only be the first phase of a revolutionary process. Obviously, our governments, much of French sympathizers this uprising, as no doubt a significant part of the Tunisian population, like that first act is also the last.
Beyond ginning rosary equated with liberal democracy
not rigged elections, a relative freedom of expression and organization defined in a constitutional framework, greater transparency of institutions and a greater separation powers, as are all the "observers" up the political agenda of the "revolution of Tunisia." The question remains open whether the party of Ben Ali RCD will actually agree to a process that could force him to share or even lose power. It will certainly be a determined and repeated presence of rebels from December to January in the street, intense pressure to resist the expected relaxation of attention to the "community and international public opinion." The latter have long been accustomed to settle for imitation progress and vague measures of "liberalization" (such as those who had succeeded in one year, to take office by Ben Ali in 1987, celebrated at the time already under the name "jasmine revolution" which would earn him the prize Louise Michel, Democracy and Human Rights in 1988). However, the actual influence of the rebels legitimacy to preserve and expand the freedoms of speech and organization acquired in recent days - freedoms that could find a way of confirming the election not rigged - should not obscure what is the trade "consciously" or not by those who can afford to saturate the media space. They are dictating what should be the interpretation of the uprising and how it opens up the political process must follow the path of alignment with the Western-style liberal political Otherwise, all the disaster scenarios are possible: chaos, civil war, Islamic threat or new strong man.
The passage of the so-called "social" in "political"
The sudden evaporation of some of the reasons for the uprising (unemployment, poor housing, cost of living, sense of humiliation of being poor and underprivileged kept away from wealth and power to influence their conditions of existence) is not due to chance. These reasons usually mentioned whenever riots occur in the Maghreb, but also, most recently in Greece and not so long in France, are common to those who are supposed to be doomed to a severe repression: good fate for "rioters" - when they are not "thugs". The passage of the "riot" to "revolution" in media discourse was immediately accompanied by the elimination of those reasons involved in most contemporary revolts. Elimination of these reasons has the corollary Now the grip of a revolt by the Tunisian capital (relatively "split" between "criticism" of Ben Ali and "faithful" though not to the point of refusing to find a compromise), but also French and international levels, until here for less complacent towards the "excesses" of monopolizing wealth vis-à-vis which they now have objections in principle. Identify such a movement to regain control of the bourgeoisie does not mean that the rebels were already defeated, but the capitalists have the initiative today, hoping to kill the revolt in the bud, it dictate its "necessary" to become capitalist-parliamentary, restoring power challenged with some modifications.
Cases resume
no mistake, if the army intervenes so quickly after the fall of Ben Ali (to which she contributed greatly by removing support), not only to protect population but also to restore as quickly order and stability, prerequisites for the resumption of economic activities. If the action of the army, it seems well accepted and even encouraged by many Tunisians is also exists for the moment a consensus that the economy, and basically capitalism must take their course. Selective looting of property of the clan Ben Ali (though not at all certain that all other "bad" looting, although allusively reported, can only be attributed to provocative maneuvers of the faithful of the President) form a system with the idea that ending the "looting" of the economy by Ben Ali is quite sufficient in terms of economic reform. What applauded with much about Ms. Parisot, already salivating over the shares of the cake his "clan" hopes to recover.
is not who governs the street!
This maneuver bourgeois appropriation of the popular uprising seems all the more easy in the absence of strong grassroots organizations, whether partisan or union assemblies, today posing the question of political power in connection with concrete work organization and administration of food, the alternative to capitalism - at least in our eyes distant - is limited to acts of confrontation with police, fire symbols of power and plunder . We is nevertheless hoped that the organizational forms emerged in the uprising and structuring today through self-defense committees do not allow themselves to disarm point again leaving the army and police to "clean" the monopoly of legitimate violence. However, and due deference to the ambient lyricism, there was no insurrection, to take up arms to Tunisia, and we like it or not, these committees are currently subordinated to the army and not vice versa.
Less than yield to the sirens ultra-conformist French media, it would be absurd to believe that an elected government after the surrender of the street could do something else than trying to develop the Tunisian capital according to the dictates of the capitalists, bankers and economists and international, that is to say with the same implications for the lives of the working classes. Only a powerful movement "class", "capitalist", even if it could impose concessions to the capitalists, as is the case in Bolivia or Venezuela. In the current situation, the stabilization of the "democratic revolution" is what requires to stifle any attempts to ask the question of popular control over the economy, popular intervention on prices, wages, employment, public service management ...
interference and taking of
In the speech suddenly terribly revolutionary European journalists who are wondering "when is the contagion in all Arab countries," we should not forget that this is exactly from the point of to a supposed superiority of our political systems in Europe, which had reached a level of civilization, culture and freedom that could objectively say higher - we built consents can be left to military offensives in Iraq, Afghanistan or elsewhere. It is curious that the French government sought to justify his attitude before the fall of Ben Ali is housed behind the principle of "non-interference", usually invoked by opponents of military intervention by Western countries to install governments in their pay in the States called "rogue". We do not think the issue is to choose between a role of censor of the actions of states in terms of our assumed model, and that in all circumstances to defend the non-intervention by invoking respect for sovereignty States. This is not to choose between interference and non-interference, but to side with the rebels in Tunisia, against those who seek to restrict their desire for emancipation. Taking advantage of that involves looking first how their revolt resonates with our struggles, here and now, against the French government and capitalists and Westerners.
In these circumstances, if we do not want to chime in, as we all incites the opponents of democracy they equate to capitalism (which divert the uprising in Tunisia as fast as they do Rioters have celebrated gestures) we can affirm that democracy in Tunisia and elsewhere lies in the uprising itself and its extension in various forms (demonstrations, strikes, meetings, requisitions, neighborhood committees and self-defense, armed uprising .. .). The conquest of political rights that the current situation can be expected no earlier used for popular self-organization, otherwise the risk of reflux of movement accompanied by rapidly stringent limitations on the use of these rights .
The January 19, 2010, Movement of Unemployed and precarious struggle Rennes.
(Photo Martin Bureau / AFP)
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